Rafizi and the emergence of platform politics
I thought Rafizi Ramli’s support came from those below 50 but a few men aged 60 and above proved me wrong during a recent chat. They cheered his Parti Bersama Malaysia’s (Bersama) decision to contest the Johor and Negeri Sembilan state elections.
It appears that it’s not just young professionals who are enamoured of Rafizi.
I also bumped into a civil servant in his forties who was excited over Bersama’s entry into the political arena and the possible changes it could bring. He was particularly clear that it was time the “old leaders” were rested.
“Who do we have? Anwar Ibrahim, Abdul Hadi Awang, Muhyiddin Yassin, Zahid Hamidi. They are past their prime. We need a reset, but not the Reset of Hamzah Zainudin because he is also part of the old system.”
This was a day before Hamzah, who had earlier been sacked by Muhyiddin’s Bersatu, announced the formation of a new party – Parti Wawasan Negara.
What has people really buzzing is the party’s new online portal for candidate applications and selection. In Malaysia’s long-standing, hierarchical party system, that’s basically unheard of.
Bersama is trying something fresh. It is introducing an experiment that treats politics less like a traditional political outfit and more like a modern digital startup, as another Bersama leader, Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, said.
By connecting hopeful candidates with voters through algorithms, crowdfunding, and direct feedback, Bersama becomes Malaysia’s first experiment in platform politics – a digital ecosystem where politics, recruitment, and activism converge.
Its app-driven candidate portal offers any citizen possessing the requisite intellect and a modicum of public spirit the opportunity to simply upload their credentials and apply to run in an election.
In doing so, it cuts into the present system of entry into politics which requires navigating feudal patronage, sycophancy, and powerful regional warlords — a system that has long favoured money and connections.
Bersama’s model calls on candidates to audition online, promote themselves digitally and raise funds directly from supporters online. This, as many analysts have said, bypasses gatekeepers such as village heads and warlords.
Ultimately, however, a few leaders at the top will still decide who contests – not unlike existing systems. So perhaps supporters should temper their excitement.
The new model offers candidates the opportunity to enter politics for one cycle, test themselves, and exit if they fail. This is in sharp contrast to the current system where politicians groom themselves for lifelong careers, often inheriting seats through dynasties or party loyalty.
And it offers a glimmer of hope to qualified professionals, technocrats, and young people who have long felt completely alienated by our legacy parties. They must, of course, become members and be committed to Bersama’s goals and values.
If the selection process sounds like a talent show – because applicants go through an online screening for basic readiness and communication skills, and community feedback is sought before they are shortlisted to meet the central team for a face-to-face chat – perhaps it is, because Rafizi did say that Bersama wants to unearth fresh, young political talents.
And if it sounds gimmicky, perhaps it is too because the new boy on the block has to shout louder to be heard.
Only time will tell but I’m reminded of a time when banks controlled access to payments, loans, and financial legitimacy. Then apps such as Touch ’n Go, Boost, and GrabPay let people skip them for everyday stuff.
I’m also reminded of a time when taxi companies once had total control over rides — then Uber and Grab changed everything.
Bersama could very well be the fintech or the Grab of Malaysian politics. Let’s remember that fintech apps were dismissed as unsafe before banks adopted QR codes, and that ride hailing apps were resisted by taxi companies and drivers before being normalised.
Beyond the selection process, Bersama’s 12-point agenda is pretty concrete — a new national social security system, free childcare, affordable housing, education and healthcare reforms, modern agriculture, energy transition, fair wages and more.
But then again, Malaysians have heard this before and have grown weary and wary of politicians’ promises. Pakatan Harapan – the reform coalition – is still under attack for not fulfilling some of its key election promises.
The fact that Bersama plans to go solo — contesting seats on its own, not in any coalition – is unusual in Malaysia, where every party has spent decades building alliances.
If platform politics becomes integral to Bersama and if it wins some seats in the forthcoming Johor and Negeri Sembilan state elections, other parties might just copy some of these ideas and we may see changes in the way politics works in Malaysia.
As Rafizi said: “We want to pioneer a more progressive Malaysia for ordinary people, by challenging entrenched vested interests. For years, political parties have taken turns in power, but very few dared challenge these vested interests. In the end, the system remained the same.”
It is possible that none of this comes to pass but at the very least it will normalise the idea that you don’t have to be friends with the right people or have deep pockets to stand for election.
Bersama’s entry raises questions such as these: Can politics survive without intermediaries? Can short‑term candidacies coexist with dynasties? Can legitimacy be crowdsourced? Can parties evolve into platforms rather than a gravy train of patronage? Can this upstart party deliver where others have failed?
Malaysians who are hungry for change, even those above 60, will probably tick yes to all the above because they hope to have finally hit the jackpot and that this time it is different.
We’ll just have to wait until the Johor (July 11) and Negeri Sembilan (Aug 1) state polls for an indication as to whether Bersama becomes a genuine force for change, just another new voice in the mix or a mere pretender.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
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